My Science - Blog / Mein Naturwissenschaftsblog
A Non-Fiction Blog. Ein Sachblog. A collection of some bits of information extracted from the scientific and from the non-fiction literature. (Until June 2025 there were also some poems and aphorisms posted on this blog.) Sachthemen und Sachtexte. (Bis Ende Juni 2025 wurden hier auch regelmäßig Gedichte und Aphorismen zu beliebigen Themen veröffentlicht.)
Sonntag, 2. November 2025
Smart Men:
Drama:
Samstag, 1. November 2025
What Is Interest Good For?
Paul J. Silvia:
"What is interest good for? Izard and Ackerman (2000) suggest a motivational function—“interest motivates
exploration and learning, and guarantees the person's engagement in the environment. Survival and adaptation require
such engagement” (p. 257). Diverse areas of research demonstrate beneficial motivational effects of interest. Studies of
successful adolescents indicate that “undivided interest” promotes the growth of expertise (Rathunde, 1996, 1998, 2001). An experience-sampling study of high school students assessed
subjective experience during school-related activities (Rathunde & Csikszentmihalyi, 1993). Three years later,
achievement and talent were measured. Feelings of undivided interest during the first year of high school strongly
predicted academic success, engagement with school, and teachers' ratings of achievement three years later. Reading
research ... shows that people process texts more deeply and remember the material more
accurately when the texts are interesting (Hidi, 2000; Schiefele, 1999). Furthermore, students are more successful in
courses that they find personally interesting (Schiefele, Krapp, & Winteler, 1992). Finally, the experience of interest
during an activity predicts the duration of engagement, volunteering to repeat the activity, and the development of skill
(Deci & Ryan, 1985; Fisher & Noble, 2004; Prenzel, 1992; Reeve, Cole, & Olson, 1986).
The motivational function of interest extends to activities that are not inherently interesting or appealing. Interest can
bolster motivation to complete tasks that are boring and tedious. Much of what people have to do, such as washing
dishes or compiling references, is boring. To boost their motivation to complete such tasks, people implement interest enhancing strategies (Sansone & Harackiewicz, 1996; Sansone & Smith, 2000a, 2000b; Sansone, Wiebe, & Morgan,
1999; Sansone, Weir, Harpster, & Morgan, 1992). For example, when people have to copy letters from a template,
they make the task more interesting by competing against time or against their past performance levels, varying the
artfulness of the lettering, or cognitively restructuring the task in ways that foster interest. The use of interest enhancing strategies predicts feelings of interest, which in turn increase persistence at the task (Sansone & Smith,
2000b).
Some researchers suggest a second function—interest is adaptive because it motivates people to develop diverse
experiences that can be helpful when unforeseen events occur (Fredrickson, 1998). Berlyne (1971a), for example,
writes: “Since every scrap of retained information might help one day and thus adds its quota of security against future
perplexity, frustration, and helplessness, it is easy to see that moments of freedom from more urgent claims (including
those of sleep and rest) can hardly be better occupied than with activities that add to the nervous system's holdings in
this commodity” .
The broaden-and-build model of positive emotions (Fredrickson, 1998, 2001) proposes that interest, like other
positive emotions, lacks short-term functions associated with survival. Instead, interest serves long-term developmental goals: curiosity about
the new and the possible broadens experiences and attracts people to new possibilities. The broaden-and-build model
suggests that interest cultivates diverse experience by orienting people to new and unusual events and facilitates the
growth of competence by motivating sustained activity in a specific area.
The notion that diverse experience is an adaptive function of interest has an intuitive appeal. Indirect evidence comes
from research on sensory deprivation. People typically find sensory deprivation intensely boring and unpleasant
(Schultz, 1965). When confined to extended sensory restriction, people often experience hallucinations, show deficits
in cognitive and perceptual performance, and exhibit disturbances of normal motivation (Fiske, 1961; Scott, Bexton,
Heron, Doane, 1959; Zubeck, Pushkar, Sansom, & Gowing, 1961). Other indirect support comes from longitudinal
research on stimulation seeking, a trait relevant to interest (see chapter 4). Stimulation seeking at age 3 strongly
predicted intelligence at age 11, suggesting a possible role of diverse experience in cognitive development (Raine, Reynolds, Venables, & Mednick, 2002).
Of the two functions of interest that have been proposed—interest as a motivational resource and interest as a
facilitator of diverse experience—only the first function is well supported by research. Many studies, including
experiments that manipulate interest, show how interest improves motivation and learning (see Hidi, 2000; Sansone &
Smith, 2000b; Schiefele, 1999). The second function seems intuitively plausible, but it has not yet received the empirical
attention that it deserves. The indirect evidence is intriguing, however, and future research should explore it further."
Überdrehtheit / Overexcitement:
-----
"In a state of overexcitement, a person often feels good in the short term—charged, energetic, maybe even euphoric. The brain is in a highly aroused state; dopamine and adrenaline surge, which can feel like 'fun' or being 'in the flow.'
From the outside, however, this doesn’t necessarily come across as pleasant. Others often perceive the person as:
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too intense or 'over the top,'
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emotionally hard to connect with, since no real resonance occurs,
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sometimes inappropriately cheerful in situations that call for calm or seriousness.
This paradoxically leads to socially less connection, even though overexcited people actually seek closeness or want to share their enthusiasm.
The pleasant feeling in this state is thus more of an internal nervous system high, not deep well-being. When the arousal drops, exhaustion, irritability, or emptiness often follow."
Überdrehtheit versus Zufriedenheit / Overexcitement versus Contentment:
Bei Kindern sieht man das gut: Wenn sie „aufdrehen“, sind sie oft übermüdet oder überfordert, nicht wirklich glücklich. Sie lachen oder toben, aber ohne innere Ruhe oder Zufriedenheit. Echte Freude ist ruhiger, stabiler, weniger gehetzt.
Kurz gesagt:
Überdrehtheit = Erregung, oft Stress-bedingt.
Glück = Wohlbefinden, mit innerer Balance.
Das eine kann wie das andere aussehen, fühlt sich aber ganz anders an."
-----
"Overexcitement is often linked to overstimulation, not genuine joy. Being hyped up means the nervous system is overactive—triggered by too many stimuli, stress, sugar, fatigue, or inner tension. It may look like euphoria from the outside, but physiologically it’s more of an alarm state.
You can see this clearly in children: when they ‘get wild,’ they’re often overtired or overwhelmed, not truly happy. They laugh or run around, but without inner calm or contentment. Real joy is quieter, steadier, less frantic.
In short:
One may look like the other, but they feel completely different."