Verstellung:

Ist ein Mensch so, wie er sich gibt, oder ist er ganz anders?

Aggression:

"The most commonly used and perhaps most heuristically valuable classification of aggression is that of premeditated versus impulsive aggression. The subtype of premeditated aggression, also termed instrumental, proactive, or predatory aggression (Barratt and Felthous, 2003; Meloy, 2006), is characterized by a goal-oriented, planned, and callous pattern of aggressive behavior not driven by autonomic arousal. The impulsive subtype of aggression, also named reactive or affective aggression, is defined as an unplanned and emotionally driven act, accompanied by high levels of autonomic arousal, and is often precipitated by provocation associated with negative emotionality (Barratt et al., 1999; Haden et al., 2008)."

[Source]

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"Reactive aggression is “hot” aggression, which is displayed in response to some form of provocation. It is characterized by impulsive, emotion-laden aggressive behavior and is motivated and driven by the primary goal of harming the perceived provocateur. Instrumental aggression, on the other hand, is “cold” aggression which is characterized by unemotional, planned and goal-directed aggressive behavior. Instrumental aggression is a means to an end rather than being an end in itself and is driven by a desire for a gain of some sort (Dodge 1991; Cornell et al, 1996; Raine et al, 2006; Fontaine, 2007)."

[Source]

Agreeableness vs. antagonism:

• Trust (forgiving) 
• Straightforwardness (not demanding) 
• Altruism (warm) 
• Compliance (not stubborn) 
• Modesty (not show-off) 
• Tender-mindedness (sympathetic) 

[Source]

Warmth-Coldness:

Cognitive Egocentrism Differentiates Warm and Cold People

Ryan L. Boyd et al.

"There are two primary ways in which people differ in their interpersonal behavior. Some people are more dominant whereas others are more submissive (Wiggins & Trapnell, 1996). Additionally, some people are warm whereas others are cold (Wiggins & Trapnell, 1996). These are independent dimensions of personality and social behavior (Locke, 2011; Moskowitz, 2010). People want to know about the warmth-coldness of others first and foremost before interacting with them (Hogan, 1996). There are good reasons for possessing this knowledge. The warmth-coldness dimension is a primary predictor of relationship quality (Markey & Markey, 2007), personality disorders (Locke, 2006), aggressive behavior (Martin, Watson, & Wan, 2000), criminality (Edens, 2009), and lack of social support (Smith, Traupman, Uchino, & Berg, 2010).

Underlying warmth-coldness, we suggest, is a basic stance toward others that is socially egocentric (cold individuals) versus not (warm individuals). For example, cold individuals value autonomy to a greater extent, whereas warm individuals value nurturance to a greater extent (Wiggins & Broughton, 1991). Cold individuals view others as less trustworthy, whereas warm individuals view others as more trustworthy (Moskowitz, 2010). Cold individuals often seek to isolate the self from others, whereas warm individuals are, if anything, sometimes too dependent on others and motivated to please them (Strack & Lorr, 1994; Wiggins & Pincus, 1989)."

Does observing reciprocity or exploitation affect elevation, a mechanism driving prosociality? - Daniel M. T. Fessler et al.

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"A growing literature explores the emotion that Haidt and colleagues (Haidt 2000, 2003a, b; Keltner and Haidt 2003; Algoe and Haidt 2009) termed elevation, a positive, uplifting feeling, elicited by witnessing exemplary prosocial behavior, that motivates increased prosociality in the observer (reviewed in Thomson and Siegel 2017; Pohling and Diessner 2016)."

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"the prosocial individual might herself constitute a prospective cooperative partner. Elevation may function completely or partially to establish a dyadic partnership with the exemplar."

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"In general, individuals who behave in a highly prosocial manner when surrounded by selfish individuals will not persist for long, as costly exploitation without offsetting benefits will force them to desist, leave or be weakened to the point of being unable to continue acting prosocially."

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"a key question for future research will be to determine whether, on the one hand, diminished elevation occurs because antisociality elicits a negatively-valenced emotion, such as moral outrage or moral disgust (see Haidt 2000), that subserves the punishment of antisocial others and competes with elevation, or, on the other hand, observing antisociality exercises a direct depressive effect on elevation elicitation."

Contempt:

Contempt and disgust: the emotions of disrespect
Maria Miceli & Cristiano Castelfranchi

>Whereas anger, resentment and indignation are focused on the target's specific misbehavior, moral contempt (as well as basic contempt) is primarily directed to the person because of his or her “badbeing” (e.g., Bell, 2013). As remarked by Fischer (2011, p. 81), “the attribution of blame is dispositional in the case of contempt, and situational in the case of anger”. When one experiences anger (as well as resentment or indignation) against somebody, one can still believe that “it is not like him/her” to behave in that way. Conversely, the contemner views the target's behavior as a piece of evidence of the latter's ugly dispositions. The target's specific action is viewed as “like him/her”.<

>As pointed out by Fischer (2011, p. 81), “we think we can still influence the ones we are angry at, whereas we have given up this hope in the case of contempt”. Unlike contempt, anger typically implies perceived control over the situation (e.g., Lerner & Tiedens, 2006).<

Sexual Disgust:

Microbes, Mating, and Morality - Joshua M. Tybur et al.:

"we suggest that sexual disgust is an evolved solution to the adaptive problem of avoiding biologically costly mates and sexual behaviors (see also Fessler & Navarrete, 2003).

Over evolutionary history, one’s choice of sexual partners and behaviors carried significant reproductive consequences because individuals varied in qualities impacting offspring survival and reproduction. Whereas certain sexual partners increased the probability of producing multiple, healthy offspring, others potentially jeopardized one’s reproductive success. Given this selection pressure, natural selection likely favored mechanisms that were able to evaluate potential partners along dimensions relevant to reproductive success, and systems that motivated pursuit (e.g., lust) or avoidance (e.g., disgust) accordingly.

Importantly, potential sexual partners can vary in quality along two broad dimensions: intrinsic quality and genetic compatibility (Jennions & Petrie, 2000; Neff & Pitcher, 2005). A mate’s intrinsic quality is reflected in features that influence objective physical attractiveness, regardless of genetic compatibility. Such features include body symmetry, facial attractiveness, and body shape (e.g., Grammer, Fink, Moller, & Thornhill, 2003; Singh, 1993; Thornhill & Gangestad, 1993, 2006) – dimensions that males and females use to assess attractiveness.

Genetic compatibility affects mate suitability in a more relative manner. A potential partner’s genetic similarity to oneself – rather than intrinsically low genetic quality – can reduce reproductive success. Compatibility can be influenced by factors such as major histocompatibility complex similarity (Penn & Potts, 1999) and genetic relatedness. For instance, though one’s close kin (e.g., siblings, parents, offspring) might possess many attributes desirable in a mate (i.e., have high intrinsic mate quality), they are not suitable mating partners because close inbreeding increases the probability of producing less healthy offspring (Bittles & Neel, 1994; Charleswoth & Charlesworth, 1999; Haig, 1999).

Individuals displaying cues for low intrinsic quality or low compatibility are likely to be poor mate choices, and should thus be avoided as sexual partners. Disgust is an emotion wellsuited to perform this function. The disgust that motivates sexual avoidance, however, is distinct from the disgust motivating pathogen avoidance, not only with respect to the sets of information required to assess mate suitability versus parasite presence, but also in regards to the nature of the optimal avoidance behaviors. Whereas pathogen detection relies on cues such as puss and foul odor, the assessment of mate suitability depends on a host of other cues described above – many of which are not relevant to proximal pathogen avoidance (e.g., seeing one’s mother care for a newborn, a cue to siblingship; Lieberman et al., 2007). Further, whereas individuals and objects displaying cues for communicable infection should motivate general avoidance, an individual deemed an unsuitable mating partner should motivate avoidance specifically within the context of mating, leaving open the possibility for other categories of social interactions (e.g., nepotism, friendship, social exchange, or group membership).
 

In sum, avoiding sexual partners and behaviors potentially jeopardizing one’s reproductive success constitutes a separate adaptive problem from pathogen avoidance and requires different systems for assessing the risks associated with sex. Sexual disgust, we argue, is specifically well suited to perform the function of avoiding reproductively costly sexual behaviors, narrowing the pool of sexual behaviors and partners to those likely to contribute to the production of healthy viable offspring." 

Moral Disgust:

Microbes, Mating, and Morality - Joshua M. Tybur et al.:

"A third domain of disgust pertains to social transgressions. When asked to generate a list of things that disgust them, people often report anti-social behaviors alongside items and acts that we would categorize as pathogen or sexual disgust (Haidt et al., 1994; Nabi, 2002). These social transgressions broadly include non-normative, often anti-social activities such as lying, cheating, and stealing that harm others directly and/or impose diffuse costs on one’s social group. For example, a sample of Australian psychology students who read vignettes about crimes involving drug trafficking, conning, fraud, or theft were more likely to form disgust words in a word-stem completion task than controls (Jones & Fitness, 2008). And the association between such anti-social behaviors and disgust is not exclusive to Western, English speaking cultures. Haidt et al. (1997) report that, when asked to generate a list of disgust elicitors, a Hebrew speaking woman from Israel cited politicians, a Japanese speaking student from Hiroshima cited verbal abuse, and an English speaking student from Chicago cited child abuse. 

However, some have argued that the term disgust is used to describe social transgressions merely for greater rhetorical effect, and actual responses to such acts may not be related to disgust at all (e.g., Bloom, 2004; Nabi, 2002). This hypothesis can be tested by examining whether pathogen-related acts and common socio-moral violations such as lying, cheating, and stealing activate common neural regions associated with the emotion disgust. Recent fMRI investigations show they do (Moll et al., 2005; Schaich Borg, Lieberman, & Kiehl, 2008). For instance, in Schaich Borg et al. (2008), conjunction analyses revealed that pathogen related acts, incestuous acts, and socio-moral violations all activate a network of brain regions previously reported to be associated with disgust (e.g., the globis pallidus, putamen, caudate head, and amygdala). Behavioral studies also indicate disgust is linked with moral judgments (e.g., Wheatley & Haidt, 2005; Marzillier & Davey, 2004) further suggesting that disgust is not just used metaphorically or rhetorically to describe social transgressions, but instead reflects a response toward multiple elicitors including infection, incest, and iniquity. 

From an evolutionary perspective, avoiding interactions with other individuals who imposed costs on oneself or on members of one’s social network would have been beneficial. Within the social arena, other individuals are capable of inflicting costs in a number of ways; in addition to lying, cheating, and stealing, group members can injure, kill, rape, free ride, denigrate, and cuckold. Such behaviors inflict costs directly, and they can disrupt cooperative relationships, social networks, and group cohesion (Cottrell & Neuberg, 2005). Individuals capable of avoiding those whose actions regularly registered as large net costs would have fared better than those who did not discriminate along this dimension. 

In addition to being elicited by different cues than pathogen and sexual disgust, moral disgust motivates a different behavioral strategy. Whereas pathogen disgust motivates proximal avoidance of perceived infection risks, and sexual disgust motivates avoidance of individuals within the specific context of sexual interactions, moral disgust motivates avoidance of social relationships with norm-violating individuals. As recent research indicates, moral disgust might also underlie motivations to punish norm-violating third parties (e.g., Kurzban, DeScioli, & O’Brien, 2007)."

"Menschen, die im gesellschaftlichen Leben wenig Chancen haben zu reüssieren, bauen sich erstaunliche Ersatzpyramiden, um sich an deren Spitze setzen zu können, etwa als >König< der Taubenzüchter oder Bierfilzsammler."

Irenäus Eibl-Eibesfeldt

Metatraits:

Colin G. DeYoung:

Stability - cybernetic function:
Protection of goals, interpretations, and strategies from disruption by impulses.
(negative pole: unstable)

Plasticity - cybernetic function:
Exploration: creation of new goals, interpretations, and strategies.
(negative pole: rigid)

The survival value of conscious experience:

"The survival value of conscious experience lies in the provision of a mechanism to take a second look (one or two hundreds of milliseconds after on-line behavioural responding becomes possible) at something which, in the immediacy of action, has just gone wrong. The wrongness can take the form of an error in a motor program, or simply a departure from the expected state of the environment: something unexpected happens, or something that should have happened does not. The error signal can be specific (this particular subgoal in a motor program has not been reached, or this particular element in the environment has undergone unexpected change); or it can be highly generalised, as in the case of pain[.] Pain, indeed, may reflect a very early stage in the evolution of the error detection mechanism, providing as it does an undifferentiated and universal signal of important (potentially tissue-damaging) error."

Jeffrey Gray - Consciousness

Verblüfftheit und Entsetzen:

Norbert Bischof beschreibt sein kybernetisches Motivationsmodell (das "Zürcher Modell"):

"Entropie ist ein informationstheoretischer Begriff und besagt soviel wie Fremdheit, Ungewissheit, Mühe beim Einordnen einer Gegebenheit in bestehendes Wissen oder bei der Vorhersage einer Ereignisfolge."

"Die Entropie eines Menschen, den ich noch nie gesehen habe, der dabei vielleicht noch exotisch gekleidet ist, unverständlich spricht und an unpassender Stelle ohne erkennbaren Grund schrill zu lachen beginnt, ist hoch; hingegen ist das vertraute Abendritual der Mutter, die mich als Kind zu Bett bringt, absolut vorhersagbar und dementsprechend entropiearm."

"Niedrige Entropie wirkt beruhigend spendet Sicherheit und Geborgenheit, kann aber auch langweilig und erstickend sein; hohe weckt Erstaunen und Überraschung; sie kann faszinieren, aber auch befremden und Furcht einflößen."

"Sensibleren Beobachtern ist ... schon längst aufgefallen, dass Furcht keineswegs erlernt zu werden braucht, sondern auch ganz unabhängig von aller Erfahrung allein durch zu hohe Entropie, also durch Fremdheit oder Diskrepanz, ausgelöst werden kann: Das Unvertraute und Unbegreifliche trägt in sich die Potenz, zum >Un-Heimlichen< zu werden."

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Gemäß dem Modell rufen besonders informationshaltige Phänomene sowohl appetente als auch aversive Affekte hervor. Die appetenten Affekte lassen sich mit steigendem Erregungsgrad als Interessiertheit, als Erstaunen und als Verblüfftheit bezeichnen. Die aversiven Affekte als Wachsamkeit, Beunruhigung, Alarmiertheit und Entsetzen.

Analog führt das Modell Affekte an, die durch Berührung mit informationsarmen Phänomenen entstehen: Geborgenheit, Umhegtheit, Verschmolzenheit versus Gebundenheit, Vereinnahmtheit, Aufgelöstheit;

Begegnung mit dem Selbst:

Man kann sich fragen, in welcher Nähe oder Ferne zu der eigenen Idealversion man lebt, gelebt hat, oder vorhat zu leben. Gewöhnlich lebt der Mensch in größerer Nähe zu seiner Durchschnittsversion als zu seiner Idealversion.

[Siehe auch: Individuelle Unterschiede]

Selbstkenntnis:

Ein wesentlicher Aspekt der Selbstkenntnis besteht wohl darin, die eigenen Kapazitäten und die Grenzen der eigenen Kapazitäten zu kennen.

[Siehe auch: Linda S. Gottfredson]

Konzentration:

~ Das Ausblenden unwesentlicher Information;

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~ In einer stark konzentrierten Verfassung wird vorübergehend alles als unwichtig ausgeblendet, geradezu vergessen, bis auf eine Sache.

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Eine bestimmte Zeitspanne lang einer Sache voll und ganz das Bewusstsein widmen;

The IQ:

"The IQ is simply a rough index of g, which reflects underlying individual differences in the efficiency of certain brain processes that are manifested as one of the important factors in human affairs."

Arthur R. Jensen

"People's environments, or their perceptions of them, differ in complexity and cognitive demands. One might even characterize different environments in terms of their g loadings."

Arthur R. Jensen

"An individual's investment of g is never spread equally or randomly over every type of knowledge or skills offered by the environment. Rather, it is highly selective, depending on interests and personality and chance events."

Arthur R. Jensen

Umwelt:

Daniel C. Dennett, Intuition Pumps:

"Every organism, whether a bacterium or a member of Homo Sapiens, has a set of things in the world that matter to it and which it therefore needs to discriminate and anticipate as best it can."

"An organism's Umwelt is in one sense an inner environment, a "subjective" and even "narcissistic" ontology, composed of only the things that most matter to it ..."

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~ Die Umwelt eines Organismus besteht aus den Dingen, die dieser Organismus wichtig nimmt. Hält ein Organismus viele Dinge auch dann für wichtig, wenn sie keinen Bezug zu seinem individuellen Überlebens- oder Fortpflanzungserfolg aufweisen, so wird er im Wettbewerb mit ähnlichen Lebewesen, die dergleichen Dinge nicht wichtig nehmen, gehandicapt sein. Oder anders: Organismen sind evolviert, eine Auswahl an Dingen wichtig zu nehmen, und die Beschaffenheit dieses Wichtignehmens und Ausfälle in der Selektivität dieses Wichtignehmens machen sich im Überlebens- und Fortpflanzungserfolg der Organismen bemerkbar.

Distinguished contributor interview - Linda Gottfredson (2016)

Fokussiertheit:

Spannend wird es letztlich dann, wenn der Einzelne seine Verantwortung ernst nimmt, selbstständig zu werten, selbstständig Prioritäten zu setzen. Es finden sich höchstens eine Hand voll Sachen oder Angelegenheiten, denen, von einem individuellen Standpunkt aus, maximale Bedeutung oder Wichtigkeit zugeteilt werden kann. Die Unfähigkeit Prioritäten zu setzen, d.h. die Unfähigkeit, manchen bzw. einigen wenigen Sachen oder Angelegenheiten maximale Bedeutung zuzuordnen, macht sich in einer allgemeinen, unproduktiven Zerstreutheit bemerkbar.

To force the skills to come:

>Glass emphasizes that it takes time to get good at anything ... "The key thing is to force yourself through the work, force the skills to come; that's the hardest phase." he says.<

Cal Newport

Die genetische Grundlage des individuellen Erlebens - der innere genetische Kompass:

"Each comes into the world with a different internal genetic compass, which causes them to be attracted to or repelled by different kinds of people, activities and settings."

Linda S. Gottfredson

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"Who we become depends not so much on the tendencies we've inherited per se as on the way in which they both orient us toward and away from, and attract and repel, certain stimuli."

Winifred Gallagher

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Manche Reize sprechen den Kern eines Menschen an. (Nicht die Intensität, aber die Tiefe des Angesprochenwerdens als wesentliches Kriterium: Das Betrachten eines Fußballmatches kann für einen Zuschauer ein intensives Erlebnis bedeuten. Fraglich bleibt hierbei dennoch, ob seine tieferen Persönlichkeitsschichten, ob die zentraleren Bereiche seines Wertempfindens hiervon ebenfalls berührt werden. Auch Drogenräusche lassen sich eher durch ihre Intensität als über einen Wertgehalt charakterisieren.)

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[Siehe auch: Wertansprechbarkeiten]

Raten und Rumraten:

Man kann den eigenen Ratevorgang beobachten, und sich dabei fragen, welche Entfernung dieses Raten zu einem bloßen Rumraten aufweist. Beim bloßen Rumraten findet im vorhinein keine, oder bloß eine geringe, Einschränkung der möglichen Antworten auf eine Frage statt. Information lässt sich dazu verwerten, um das Feld möglicher Antworten einzuschränken. Hierdurch erhöht sich die Wahrscheinlichkeit, brauchbare Antworten zu treffen, zu erraten.

Kreativität und Ichstärke:

"[Die Vermutung liegt] nahe, dass der Zusammenhang zwischen psychischer Störung und Kreativität nicht bloß ein korrelativer, sondern ein kausaler sein könnte, wobei die ausgeprägte Ich-Stärke der Bremsfaktor wäre, der das psychopathologische Element hindert, sich zur genuinen Psychose zu entwickeln."

Hans J. Eysenck

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~ Der kreative Prozess / starke Phantasie als eine Art selbstgesteuerte Psychose;